_________________ “Meles Zenawi's passion was in abolishing poverty"Former Prime Minister of United Kingdom Gordon Brown
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The African Union’ s chairman, Jean Ping, told reporters that the court was discriminatory” and focused on crimes committed in Africa but ignored those committed by Western powers, including in Afghanistan, Iraq and Pakistan.
“ With this in mind, we recommend that the member states do not cooperate with the execution of this arrest warrant,” the motion said.
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The African Union’ s chairman, Jean Ping, told reporters that the court was discriminatory” and focused on crimes committed in Africa but ignored those committed by Western powers, including in Afghanistan, Iraq and Pakistan.
“ With this in mind, we recommend that the member states do not cooperate with the execution of this arrest warrant,” the motion said.
_________________ “Meles Zenawi's passion was in abolishing poverty"Former Prime Minister of United Kingdom Gordon Brown
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The official confirmed that a current State Department contract to PAE, an American military contractor, provides provisions, salaries, and limited logistical support for Ethiopian forces who are training southern forces in a remote army training camp called New Kush, nestled in the Imatong Mountains on Southern Sudan's border with Uganda.
...
Since 2006, the New Kush camp has been used for training the SPLA's special forces - or Commando units, the same forces involved in the Jonglei civilian deaths. Both international trainers, Western contractors and consultants, and Ethiopian troops - all funded through State Department programs - have worked at New Kush.
The State Department official told the AP on Thursday that the "commando training conducted by the Ethiopians focuses on professional military tactics and specialized skills."
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* Analysts see ingredients for North Africa-style revolt
* South Sudan due to secede in a week
* Final north-south oil deal has yet to be decided
By Alex Dziadosz
KHARTOUM, July 2 (Reuters) - As southern Sudanese count down the minutes to independence on July 9, northerners are anxiously contemplating a future with less oil, roaring inflation and emboldened rebellions.
The challenges presented by the break-up of Africa's largest country mean President Omar Hassan al-Bashir will need to strike a delicate balance as he tries to hold together what is left of the nation he has ruled for more than two decades.
If he gets it wrong, he needs only look to his North African neighbours to see what could happen next. Popular protests have already pushed out long-ruling strongmen in Egypt and Tunisia and a civil war threatens another in Libya.
In Khartoum's dust-swept souks, shoppers and vendors comment on the split with a blend of sadness, resignation and anxiety.
"The southern independence is a big, very big mistake by our government. It is wrong," Mohamed, a newspaper vendor, said. "Our economy will suffer because we depend on oil. Prices rise every day and inflation will gain more."
Southerners voted to split off from the north in a January plebiscite, the culmination of a 2005 peace deal that ended decades of civil war in which about 2 million people died. But Sudan's conflicts go beyond just north and south.
Ethnic groups complaining of marginalisation have taken up arms in the western Darfur region and in areas of the east. Many fighters in the Southern Kordofan and Blue Nile border states, which will remain in the north, also fought against Khartoum.
The diverse rebel movements share a common complaint -- a deep-seated resentment of what they see as a near complete domination of Sudan's power and wealth in hands of a small northern elite.
Analysts say those movements may step up their campaigns after the south secedes, seeing a chance to press for concessions from a vulnerable Khartoum.
"The dynamics that underpin other grievances in Sudan -- whether in the east, west, far north or the borderlands of Kordofan, White Nile and Blue Nile -- do not vanish with the south's secession," said Aly Verjee, a researcher at the Rift Valley Institute think tank.
LESS OIL, MORE INFLATION
Analysts say the north's ruling National Congress Party (NCP) has typically dealt with insurgencies with a mix of heavy-handed security crackdowns and attempts to split the rebels by offering deals to some of their leaders.
Those tactics may be harder to maintain as diminishing oil revenues drain the north's coffers.
"You can't just go on paying the salaries of the security and the army and forget about the public servants," said Fouad Hikmat of the International Crisis Group.
That could mean Bashir, a military officer who came to power in a bloodless 1989 coup, may have to seek political solutions more actively.
"In one year's time, if the NCP does not change, does not adapt a new approach that is more about inclusion than security control, then Sudan will be facing very serious problems," Hikmat added.
But opening up the political system could expose Bashir, wanted by the International Criminal Court on charges of crimes against humanity, to challenges from hardliners in his own party who oppose all concessions to Sudan's peripheral states -- seeing them as a catalyst for more secessionist demands.
Unencumbered by the south, where the population follows mostly Christian and traditional beliefs, some NCP members might renew their focus on the Islamist ideals that inspired them when they first came to power.
The south's ruling Sudan People's Liberation Movement (SPLM) will continue to run an opposition party in the north, but its influence will be diminished.
SPRINGTIME IN KHARTOUM?
Sudan has the same ingredients that ignited protests in other Arab countries -- particularly complaints of political repression and rising food prices, analysts say.
But it remains unclear whether Sudan, beleaguered by decades of war, will have the energy for an uprising, especially after the unrest took bloody turns in Libya, Yemen and Syria.
"I don't know if these movements and discontent will translate into a popular revolution on the North African model but it is always worth remembering that popular protests have brought down Sudanese governments before," said Roger Middleton, a researcher at the Chatham House think tank.
Popular protests helped oust two of Sudan's rulers after independence, and the memory of these movements is still alive.
So far some small protests, many led by students, have broken out, but have been quickly dispersed by security forces with batons and tear gas.
Much of what happens to the north may depend on what emerges in a final deal on sharing out oil revenues, which has yet to be decided with the south a week away from independence.
Any settlement is likely to see the north get less than the 50 percent of revenues from southern oil it currently receives under the 2005 peace deal.
To make up for it, analysts say north Sudan could turn increasingly to gold mining, agriculture and other industries or open up to more foreign investment from willing countries.
Bashir's recent visits to Iran and China could be a prelude to this, as the leader seeks to woo foreign leaders who could help prop up a beleaguered economy.
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WASHINGTON - Monitor Group, a Cambridge-based consulting firm, released new details yesterday of its payments to a raft of intellectuals and public figures who visited Libya between 2006 and 2008 during a stealth public-relations campaign to bolster the image of Libyan leader Moammar Khadafy.
The documents, filed yesterday at the Foreign Agents Registration Unit, show that Harvard professor Joseph Nye, who took a four-day visit to Libya in 2007, was paid $27,500, while Francis Fukuyama, a professor at Johns Hopkins University, was paid $80,000 for two visits he took in 2006 and 2007.
Others were paid far more. British journalist David Frost, best known for his interviews of Richard Nixon, was paid $91,429 in connection with what appears to be a single visit to Libya. Benjamin Barber, who wrote a landmark book, "Strong Democracy," and who served on the board of a nonprofit run by Khadafy's son Saif, received just over $100,000 during those years. British sociologist Anthony Giddens, director of the London School of Economics and Political Science, was paid more than $67,000.
Many of the payments appear to relate to a highly-publicized debate on democracy between Giddens, Barber, and Khadafy hosted by Frost in Libya in 2007.
The documents, which represent the culmination of a three-month internal investigation by Monitor into its own activities in Libya, were filed retroactively to comply with a federal law that requires firms that lobby or do public-relations work on behalf of a foreign government to submit public disclosures. The firm, which ended its work in Libya in 2008, had said it will no longer take on public-relations work, which is outside of its core area of expertise.
Today's disclosures reflect the work of a thorough, expert investigation and our commitment to provide facts and data as required by federal law, Steven Jennings, Monitor's managing partner, said in a statement. The statement said involvement in public-relations work for a foreign government without registration was a mistake we have acknowledged and have vowed not to repeat. Today's disclosures, and the corrective actions we are taking inside the firm, should help put the matter behind us.
Yesterday, Nye said he had no problem with the public disclosure that Monitor paid him his usual business consulting fee of $25,000 - plus $2,500 for late payment - but that he felt misled by the firm about its secret public-relations agenda.
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