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Matthew Dominioni, a historian of Italian colonialism, had already brought to light that yet another dark chapter in Italian history in his book The collapse of the Empire (Yale University Press). The volume was prepared in draft, this forgotten massacre had already been proposed advances from the pages of major newspapers, when Dominioni, as he says in the introduction of chemical Platoon. Abyssinian Cronoche a generation uncomfortable (Mimesis, pp.172, 12 euros), he received a call that left him stunned: "My name is John Boaglio and the son of the person who used the gas in the cave Zeret. I always knew of the existence of the cave. My father has left a diary in which he speaks of the massacre. " Chemical Platoon, the diary of Alexander Boaglio, edited by his son John and by the same Dominioni, not only tells of a horrible crime. It is a unique document of its kind. Written after his return to Italy, presumably drawn from the first half of the fifties and April 1958, the fruit of long and bitter thoughts, and certainly also a reworking of deep and painful, is the choice not to remove what time it was easier to drop into oblivion. Alessandro tells Boaglio without omission, rejects a justificatory narrative of their work, not seeking to discharge their responsibilities on their superiors. It should not have been easy to describe the act of dropping mustard gas cans while you are hanging from a rope over a cliff: the author does not seek or pity or mercy, is not asking the reader to identify himself, he does not want, as a torturer, and understood to be justified. He wants to know. There is rigor in this testimony, but there is also the consciousness of having fought a war against a people who had to learn the sacred right to rebel against the colonial rule, defines the Ethiopian patriots made hanged in the square as a warning as "heroes of 'other side', and during his stay in the colony, try to understand, even with humility, with the tools of their culture and their own age, who are the others against whom he is fighting. The result is a text full of respect. The author seems to want to plunge into the world that is trying to relate to people, although aware of being perceived as an occupier, even if accepted as a guest. She set to work in rudimentary medical interventions, trying to learn Amharic, narrated with dry descriptive power even vices of fellow occupants, mocks in highlighting how the racial laws (prohibiting romantic or sexual relationships between natives and Italians) were openly transgressed. Recounts with irony of unnecessary military missions, describes the general staff sent for observation during a battle with sarcasm, it lets you take the memory of a loving marriage in which, invited as a guest is treated like a family. Days passed in Addis Ababa, apparently pacified while the control of the vast territory in Ethiopia showed continued instability and vulnerability. The charm of colonial life is interrupted on the morning of February 19, 1937, when two young patriots Ethiopians can severely injure Graziani. From that moment nothing is as before, the ferocious and indiscriminate retaliatory strikes on the defenseless population marks a point of no return, even Boaglio is sent to be part of voluntary patrols to stop the carnage, and even there is not secretive, tells of bodies of men, women and children thrown from precipices. But the most extraordinary document of the entire text is that terrible chapter 9 from the symbolic title "The path of civilization." Here the story becomes meticulous reconstruction gives the idea of a dream or a nightmare relived it many times. On 30 March 1939 the aircraft had spotted a large group of Ethiopian patriots who was chased by a column. In relations officers intercepted the caravan was defined as "the baggage department of Abebe Aregai, a leader of the guerrillas' and in fact it was old, injured, servants, women, children, fleeing stragglers, in short, looking for shelter . They reached a cave large and well protected and were besieged, on the orders of General Lorenzini. To control the operations Lieutenant Colonel Gennaro Sora, in 1926 among the "heroes" who rescued the survivors of the noble mission to the Pole and still remembered as an officer in a respectful and loved by the people against whom he fought in Africa. Between 9 and 11 April were consumed the siege and the criminal massacre. The story of the siege of the cave is a punch in the stomach between people screaming and dying woman gives birth to a child; to him in a literary Boaglio aa the word: "How much blood, how much destruction, many dead, and I scrambled to slaughtered, to kill, to destroy ... and I am born. And I'll stop and grow up with me and millions of other beings will be born by the innocent blood, the blood of murdered fathers and triumph because justice is with us. " Until a few years ago there was still some who swore that in Africa they had brought democracy and civilization, roads and medicine, until a few years ago still influential intellectuals denied the use of gas and massacres of civilians. Early reports of those who had participated in the important phases of the Italian occupation of Ethiopia ignored or belittled the most cruel moments of conflict and when historians like Angelo Del Boca, Giorgio Rochat, Nicola Labanca began producing texts precious fruit of studies and conclusive research, the debate on Italian colonialism has often moved on ideological ground: colonialism for some of velvet, for others the most violent and racist. Dominioni started from original archival research, met with the story of Alexander Boaglio, and tried to bring the debate in the right terms. Those of a colonial war asymmetric with regard to the means and forces of the occupant, fought with all means and in the end lost, not only for the British advanced to the inability to counter a phenomenon such as the field of warfare. At the expense of civilians, the most vulnerable, as often happens in contemporary conflicts. Boaglio Alexander died at 80, after returning invalid in Italy, due to contact with mustard gas, he held various jobs until you find employment in Fiat. His memoirs published today are not only a valuable historical document: reading emerges from a deep hatred of war. Certainly, the perception of what's happening around him seems imbued with an imagery that draws on the Hollywood western, there is a detailed description of landscapes, emotions, special traits, curiosity about the traditions and people, the need to cross a culture other, which we almost instinctively grasps the wealth, while the desire to know his own, the idea of exchange and encounter. A naive, impossible to grow while the ruthless military machine takes its toll, an idea crushed by the cruelty of war. I wonder if the years to write and reflect on their past, have not served to mature Boaglio something stronger and lasting remorse for the victims. A more general reflection on human nature, the evil inherent in free every war, from which valuable today as yesterday would be inspired to not repeat mistakes that often become crimes.
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We saw last week that the fascists in Addis Ababa responded to an attempt on the life of the Italian Viceroy, Graziani, on 19 February 1937, by unleashing a three-day massacre, which was to have a major impact on the Ethiopian Patriotic movement. The massacre was so important that its documentation requires further elaboration..
"Burning Houses Illuminated the African Night"
One of several graphic eye-witness accounts is provided by the Hungarian, Dr Ladislav Sava, or Shaska. He recalls that immediately after the attempt, the fascist party leader, Guido Cortese, "convoked the blackshirts to the seat of the Fascio, the chiefs to a consultation, and the others to wait for orders. Very soon they sped from the Fascio in every direction, fully armed. Everyone in the town was a prey to anticipation, but what really happened was worse than anyone had feared. I am bound to say, for it is true, that blood was literally streaming down the streets. The corpses of men, women and children, over which vultures hovered, were lying in all directions. Great flames from the burning houses illuminated the African night. . .
"The greatest slaughter began after 6 o'clock in the evening... During that awful night, Ethiopians were thrust into lorries, heavily guarded by armed blackshirts. Revolvers, truncheons, rifles and daggers were used to murder completely unarmed black people, of both sexes and all ages. Every black person seen was arrested and bundled into a lorry and killed, either in the lorry or near the Little Ghebi [the present Addis Ababa University building], sometimes at the moment when he met the blackshirts. Ethiopian houses and huts were searched and then burnt with their inhabitants. To quicken the flames, benzine and oil were used in great quantities. The shooting never ceased all night, but most of the murders were committed with daggers and blows with a truncheon at the head of the victim. Whole streets were burned down, and if any of the occupants of the houses ran out from the flames they were machine-gunned or stabbed with cries of 'Duce! Duce! Duce!' From the lorries in which groups of prisoners were brought up to be murdered near the Ghebi, the blood flowed on to the streets and again from the lorries we heard the cry, `Duce! Duce! Duce!'".
"I shall never forget," Sava concludes, "that I saw that night Italian officers passing in their luxurious cars through the blood-drenched streets, stopping at some point whence they could have a better panorama of the murdering and the burning, accompanied by their wives whom I am very reluctant to call women.
The Ethiopian Embassy in London
Another eye-witness report, released by the Ethiopian Legation in London, declared that:
"the streets were strewn with dead bodies... No one dared venture out. From that time began a method which was followed thoroughly during the three long days... The method consisted of setting fire to the houses, waiting for the inhabitants to be driven out by the fire and massacring them without distinction, with daggers, bayonets, hand grenades, cudgels, stones and, at times, with guns. One could see groups of Fascists chaining the lorries and amusing themselves by dragging along poor men from one part of the town to the other until their bodies fell to pieces... In certain quarters the corpses entirely covered the streets and the squares. In St. George's Square already robbed of the equestrian statue of Menelik II, the dead bodies formed a veritable pile. Now the appearance of the city is like a field of battle after the fighting is over."
A Missionary Account
The above picture was later corroborated by the American missionaries, Herbert and Della Hanson. They report that on visiting the city shortly after the massacre they " found large areas burned that had formerly been covered with inhabited huts. Even around the hospital walls, where there had been many huts, all was blackened ruins. It made us heart sick to see the devastation, especially where we learned that many of the huts had been burned with their owners in them."
French and British Reports
Shortly after the massacre a special correspondent of the "Manchester Guardian" reported that the French Minister in Addis Ababa had stated that 6,000 Ethiopians had been "murdered in three days," and that the British Consulate "knew over 2,000 names of the killed."
Subsequent Statements On Oath
Other observers, speaking later on oath, also confirm the above accounts. Thus an Armenian merchant, Edouard Garabedian, related that on the first day of the massacre he heard Italians "saying they were waiting orders for reprisals", and that "at about five o'clock, I saw them with my own eyes, beating every Ethiopian they could find. These Italians were civilians. They were using what they could find, as cudgels, etc... I learnt from some of the Italians that they had received orders to burn different Ethiopian quarters. They were burning houses during the whole night... Next morning I heard that many Ethiopians had been killed during the night when the Italians were burning their houses. The following day I started to go to my work at 9 o'clock but there was a great panic and Ethiopians were running from everywhere without self-control. The Italian blackshirts were pursuing them and beating them... That day I did not go out from my house; but from there I heard much shooting and I saw burning houses all around.
"On the third day I went to my shop. This time there were no Ethiopians to be seen in the streets, but many Italians were circulating. I heard many of them saying that they had burnt such and such places and that they had murdered so many Ethiopians."
Not an Accidental Fire
Captain Toka Binegid, an Ethiopian in the Addis Ababa municipal fire-brigade, likewise later testified that when the first signs of fire were seen his commanding officer [an Italian] ordered them to the Sidist Kilo area of the town to put out an assumed accidental conflagration, but "when we arrived there we saw the Italians burning the houses intentionally, so our officer ordered us not to put out the fire, saying he understood what it was all about. While still standing there we saw many people being killed by Italians while trying to escape from burning houses.
"The Italians," Toka adds, "divided themselves into different formations: while some of them were murdering, some collected the corpses and threw them on the trucks. They were gathering the corpses from the roads with iron rakes. Among the persons who were pulled by the iron rakes many were alive... I saw Italian soldiers being photographed while standing on the dead bodies of their victims. The burning of houses and killing of people which started on Friday... continued up to Monday morning."
Another observer of these events, Blatta Dawit Ogbazgi, who was arrested on the Friday and detained with "about a thousand people" in a police station near Ras Makonnen Bridge, later testified that "the same day people were brought in lorries; they were taken without distinction and most of them were bleeding from hits. The fascists used to throw them down from the lorries. Some of them rolled down to the river because they were thrown from the lorries, and these the Italians shot in front of us. All the houses and tukuls which were in front of us were burning."
The Death Toll Among the Foreign Educated
During the massacre the fascists murdered a number of foreign-educated Ethiopians, above all those who had studied in Britain or the United States. The death toll thus included Tsege Marqos Wolde Tekle, Gabre Medhen Awoqe, Ayenna Birru, Yohannes Boru, and Yosuf and Benjamin Martin, sons of the Ethiopian Minister in London, all six of whom had been students in England; Besha Worrid Hapte Wold and Makonnen Haile, who had both studied in the United States; and Kifle Nassibu who was French-educated.
Consequences for the Patriotic Movement
This terrible massacre, it is generally agreed, had a profound influence on Ethiopian thinking, and gave new strength to the resistance movement. The "New Times and Ethiopia News" correspondent in Djibouti reported shortly afterwards, on 11 March, that Addis Ababa was "almost empty of Abyssinians," and added that as a result of the incident "the Abyssinians know there is nothing left for them but to fight, and the world will presently hear that they are everywhere attacking anew. Those who fled from Addis well know what to expect from Italy and they will fight again."
This forecast proved true. Blatta Dawit, giving his evidence a decade later, stated that one of the most important results of the massacre was that Ras Abebe Aregai, the principal Patriot leader in Shoa, "had his forces increased immensely, at least by 10,000; also other patriot forces received reinforcements, because when people heard of what had taken place... they left their homes and went away from the neighborhood of Addis Ababa."
Salome Gabre Egzaiabher, studying the question three decades later likewise attached considerable significance to this development. She declares that "many of the people of Addis Ababa who escaped from the shootings went to join the Patriots who were living in the forests around the capital". _________________ Remembering Meles Zenawi's Era! >> http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=uK1oi0-8uyQ&feature=youtu.be
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i dont see the wrong thing defeating a poor uneducated Master in favor of a Rich Master italy is a rich Master and amara kings are poor Master italy servants the eritreans did a good job in either case they are both considered slaves wether haileselassie or Mousolloni they both are the same at least in mosuolloni case you can hope for a better living condition pure water,electricity roads education etc... fuk haileselassie all his warriors who faught for him died for nothing they are just sheeps.. by the way it takes to have good IQ to choose the right master if you are Dumb you will choose haileselassie if you are smart like the Tigrians you choose the italians.. if not for world war 2 haileselassie would have been defeated for the rest of his life and ethiopia would been under italy colony for several years(not only 5) so get real dumbasses you know amara have been defeated by italians but thanks for World war 2 italy and germany messed up with the most powerful countries in the world and the weakass haileselassie benefited from it. damn you hitler.
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Despite Ethiopia’ s military collapse in 1935-6, patriotic resistance continued throughout the occupation. Many patriotic Ethiopians were from the outset determined to continue the struggle. The first to do so was Lej Hayla Maryam Mammo, of Dabra Berhan, 130 kilometres north of Addis Ababa, who on 4 May 1936 attacked a group of invading forces on the way to capital. This action earned him the title the “ first arbagna” , or, patriot, of Shawa. Other, more or less un-co-ordinated, attacks on the invaders followed.
“ All Rebel Prisoners Must B e Shot”
In an attempt to crush such opposition Graziani, who had by then become the Italian viceroy, issued an edict in the middle of May, proclaiming that Italy was the “ absolute master of Ethiopia” , and would “ remain so at whatever cost” . He threatened that he would use “ extreme severity” to rebels, but the “ greatest generosity” to Ethiopians who submitted. Mussolini, agreed with this policy, and telegraphed , on 5 June, that “ all rebel prisoners must be shot” .
Patriot Attempt to Recapture Addis Ababa
Undeterred by threats of vengeance numerous Ethiopian patriots determined to fight on. During the rains of 1936 several conceived the ambitious plan of re-capturing Addis Ababa. On 28 July one of the principal young Shawan chiefs, Dajazmach Abarra Kasa, son of Ras Kasa Haylu, attacked from the northwest, but was repulsed by Italian machine-gunning from the air. Almost a month later, on 26 August, one of Emperor Menilek’ s former commanders, Dajazmach Balcha, launched a further unsuccessful assault from the south-west, which was likewise defeated on account of Italian control of the air. After the rains the invaders resumed the offensive, carrying out extensive bombing, and poison gassing, in Shawa, Lasta, Charchar, Yergalam, and elsewhere.
Abraha Deboch and Moges Asgadom
An attempt on Graziani’ s life by two Eritreans, Abraha Daboch and Moges Asgadom, on 19 February 1937, opened a new phase of the struggle.
The Graziani Massacre
The fascists, reacting violently to the attempted assassination of their leader, carried out a three-day massacre in Addis Ababa, in the course of which, between 19 and 21 February, thousands of innocent Ethiopians were killed.
The Dabra Damo Monastery: “ No More Trace Remains”
Three months later, on 20 May, Graziani ordered the execution of the monks at the historic Shawan monastery of Dabra Libanos. Two hundred and ninety-seven monks were accordingly shot, and 129 deacons were killed a few days later, after which Graziani proudly telegaphed to Mussolini, “ of the monastery, there remains no more trace” .
Many survivors fled the capital, and joined the patriots. Strengthened by this increase in their numbers patriot forces again took the offensive during the 1937 rains, in Lasta under Dajazmach Haylu Kabada, and in Gojjam under Dajazmach Mangasha and Belay Zalaka. Mussolini responded by ordering Graziani to “ use all measures, including gas” . The Viceroy intensified his reign of terror, but, unable to crush the rebellion in Shawa, opened abortive peace negotiations with the area’ s principal patriot leader, Ras Ababa Aragay.
The occupying forces took the offensive again after the rains, but the patriots did not lose hope. Well aware of the increasing political divergence between the “ totalitarian” and “ democratic” powers in Europe, they were confident that the latter would ultimately be embroiled in a European war and as a result be obliged to come to their assistance. Graziani frankly admitted as much when he observed, on 9 November 1937, that the “ rebels” were awaiting a European war.
Some of the patriots at about this time also attempted to forge more integrated resistance, as indicated by the fact that three of the principal Shawan patriot leaders, Lej Zawde Asfaw, Blatta Takala Walda Hawaryat, and Shalaqa Masfen Seleshi at about this time drew up a manifesto urging the Gojjam people to rally behind them. Graziani, however, continued to insist on repression. Referring to the Shawan Patriots, he declared it necessary to “ eliminate them, eliminate them, eliminate them” , as he had preached since assuming office.
“ Inside” Patriots; Shawaragga Gadle
The patriot movement was centered mainly in Shawa, Bagemder and Gojjam, but drew support from almost all parts of the country. Some of the most resolute fighters included Eritrean deserters from the Italian colonial army. There was also an active underground movement, in Addis Ababa and a few other towns, composed of wust arbagna, or “ inside” patriots. They helped to provide military, medical and other supplies to the patriots in the field, and to inform them of enemy movements. Many Ethiopian women, including one of the daughters of Ras Kasa and the renowned Shawaragga Gadle, were also prominent, either in the field or as wust patriots.
Lej Yohannes Iyasu
Continued patriot resistance was one of the causes of the Viceroy’ s dismissal, and replacement, on 26 December 1937, by the Duke of Aosta, a member of the Italian royal family. Soon after his appointment the Duke’ s chief-of-staff, Ugo Cavellero, admitted that “ large parts” of Shawa and Amhara were then in rebellion, and that `pockets of resistance’ also persisted in the south-west. He added that the “ rebels” enjoyed the “ full support” of the people, who were ready to join them. The extent of opposition to the invaders was confirmed by the exiled Emperor Haile Sellassie, who claimed that patriot resistance was then “ more extensive” than ever before. Menilek’ s great-grandson, Lej Yohannes Iyasu, himself a patriot, observed that the invader, though in control of the major towns, had been unable to conquer the country.
Mussolini “ Very Dissatisfied”
By 1939, the year of the outbreak of the European war, a stalemate had developed. The Italians had failed to crush the patriots, but the latter were unable to break into the wellguarded Italian forts. Mussolini’ s son-in-law, Count Ciano, nevertheless noted, on 1 January, 1940 that the Duce was “ very much dissatisfied” , for Amhara was in “ complete revolt” , and sixty-five Italian battalions were “ compelled” to live in forts. The situation was so serious that the Duke of Aosta advised Mussolini to avoid a European war “ which would bring on the high seas the task of pacifying the country and jeopardise the conquest itself.”
“ A State of Latent Rebellion”
A leading fascist, Arcanovaldo Bonacorsi, reported, in May, that throughout the empire there was “ a state of latent rebellion” , which: “ would have its final and tragic denouncement when war breaks out with our enemies. If at any point whatever, a detachment of English or French were to enter with banner unfurled they would need little or no troops for they would find the vast mass of the Abyssinian population would unite themselves to that flag to combat and eject our forces. In the case of such an emergency we should find ourselves unable to withstand our enemy given the state of unpreparedness and lack of equipment of our forces” . _________________ Remembering Meles Zenawi's Era! >> http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=uK1oi0-8uyQ&feature=youtu.be
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1. The repressions after the attack on the Viceroy
The bombing of February 19, 1937 Graziani provides the opportunity to decapitate the Ethiopian resistance, however, never stands still during the entire period of the Italian military, directing the work of repression against the Coptic clergy, l '"intelligentsia" and the local Amhara aristocracy, not saving, with the full support of Mussolini, even beggars, sorcerers, diviners and storytellers, considered "the most dangerous disturbers of public order". The unconditional support of the regime is in fact: "I approve your action against soothsayers, story tellers and quacks. Essential weed out dangerous elements and ensure absolute respect for law and order", says Mussolini sent a telegram of 20 March to Graziani.
The escalation of terror and repression would last months. In Addis Ababa, and then in other provinces of the empire, are passed to the weapons indiscriminately, without investigation or trial, all those who are just mere suspicion; perpetrated summary executions without trial, in absolute lawlessness, and even in the absence of interpreters, as revealed in a memo military lawyer, Olivieri General, dated March 23, 1937, where we read, almost a year after the conquest: "it would be appropriate to find some capable performer among Italians. Maybe you can find in Eritrea".
Part of reprisals enacted after the assassination attempt on the Viceroy is the massacre of Dabra Libanos, which represents the culminating and most ferocious.
2. I suspect the involvement of the monastery of Dabra Libanos
The monastery of Dabra Libanos, founded in the thirteenth century by St. Tekle Haymanot, was located 90 kilometers from Addis Ababa, in northern Shoa, at the time of the attack Graziani scene of fierce fighting by the Ethiopian resistance. Besides being a place of pilgrimage, was the preeminent center of theological education in the country, and enjoyed very close ties with the notabilato Amhara, Hayla Sellase with the government, as well as the Abuna Petros, bishop of Wallo and fierce opponent of 'Italian invasion.
During the investigation summary and feverish aftermath of the attack, and on the basis of suspicions never tested, among other things, it gives body to the thesis of the monastery's involvement in a plan of insurrection in the attack would trigger the moment. The monastery is also accused of having offered hospitality to the two bombers, that there would also be exercised in throwing bombs in the days before the attack, returning soon after, as the first stop after his flight from Addis Ababa.
In fact since 1881 the monastery enjoyed a sort of judicial extraterritoriality-having been authorized to receive the fugitives, including thieves and murderers, and give them asylum - a circumstance that would make it because of the presence of the two bombers at Dabra Libanos. However it should be emphasized at the time that there was no evidence, outside of the reconstruction of police services in Italian politics, however, discredited by their failure to anticipate the attack, which Abraha Daboch and Mogas Asgadom, two Eritreans held responsible for the 'attack on the Viceroy, had stayed - along with others who are considered guilty - at the monastery, especially not that includessero complicity in the whole community of monks.
In fact, it is the monastery, already regarded with suspicion, the true goal of Graziani through it will hit the Coptic Church as a whole and, more generally, the traditional Ethiopian aristocracy - in particular the Amhara - to force both the collaboration.
"There could not have better opportunity to get rid of them," it says on March 1 in a telegram to General Nasi, with orders to shoot all the notables (and their followers) made prisoners, together with those who are made of.
3. The planning of the massacre
After the failure of a first attack on the monastery on the night of Feb. 22, when many men are able to save themselves, the second attempt was planned meticulously. Is chosen, not coincidentally, the date of 20 May (12 Genbot), the feast of St. Mikael and recurrence of the transfer of the remains of St. Tekle Haymanot; relevant date in the Ethiopian religious calendar and the most important of the festivals celebrated by the monastery, which for this reason he received a considerable number of people, however, called up the offer of gifts for that special day promised by the fascist authorities to those who had taken part in the celebrations.
The operations are directed against the monastery by General Peter Maletti to which the viceroy had not failed to point out a sheet of instructions telegraphed on April 7 that "[...] more will destroy your honor in Shoa and acquire more merit toward peace Empire territory. "
In addition to the existing police, and other events together from Dabra Berhan, Maletti concentrated in the three battalions of troops colonial religious force May 18, visitors and pilgrims in the church, by sealing the portals. On 19 May, the prisoners are interrogated, and summarily identified most of them loaded onto trucks for Chagel, a town nearby, where the next day, joined by other prisoners taken among the visitors in the meantime arrived at Dabra Libanos.
On May 20, those who were left to the monastery, mostly sick and disabled people are killed on the spot. On day 21, after having done so to 'choose' among the prisoners of Chagel apparently identifiable as religious ones (one of the criteria seems to have been also related to the use or possession of a hat, as in the tradition of the Coptic clergy), the prisoners identified as they are loaded onto trucks and transported to Laga Wolde, a flat uninhabited and well protected from view by hills, chosen for the operation. The site responds to the fact that witnesses may need to avoid, first, consider those executed as martyrs, and, secondly, be a source of news for the foreign press, ready to denounce the massacres perpetrated by the Italians. An indirect confirmation of the decision to avoid dangerous advertising is in the pages of the diary of Cyrus Poggiali notes that on 1 June, about other summary executions, that "[...] could not be run because the shootings coram populo sentenced superlatively give examples of heroic courage and dedication to the Abyssinian, and this would be a dangerous propaganda against us. " Moreover the same Graziani, in a telegram dated March 19, had failed to provide assurances that Lessona: "[...] ordered the executions as a result of the attack is made known in the locality secluded and no one, I say nobody can help you ".
4. The extent of the extermination
So at Laga Wolde of the trucks 'condemned' come on a regular basis, downloading the prisoners who are immediately passed on the askaris weapons. The operation lasts all afternoon. A run ended Graziani Lessona can telegraph to communicate with you "for the firing squad 297 monks, including the vice-, and 23 lay people suspected of complicity," adding: "We spared the young deacons, teachers and other staff 's order to be translated and retained in the churches of Dabra Berhan ". However a few days after Graziani enjoins Maletti to "move immediately to all deacons weapons" under the pretext that he had confirmation of the "full responsibility of the monastery of Debra Libanos". A few days later announced in Rome that he executed 129 deacons: "[...] were so alive [add] only thirty young seminarians who were returned to their homes of origin in the various countries of Shoa. In this way the convent of Debra Libanos [...] no trace remains. "
Only recently conducted a survey in the Nineties by Ian Campbell and Degife Gabre-Tsadik allowed to shed some more light on the massacre of Dabra Libanos, assessing among other things, even if only approximately, the entity. According to their findings of fact, to Laga Wolde were actually massacred between 1,000 and 1,600 people.
Group of deacons, pilgrims, students and teachers of theology, not included in the first 'selection' Chagel performed at about 400 (not 129 as stated by Graziani) are executed at Dabra Berhan. As regards the fate of the "thirty seminarians boys returned to their homes," they actually are deported to concentration camps Danane, along with 94 other monks and the monasteries of Assabot Zuquala closed, with the church of Ekka Michael of Addis Ababa, in days.
In light of the facts found the decision to understate Graziani in his reports to Rome and the extent of executions tacerne part be attributable to the realization that Graziani was evidently to act with a ruthlessness that even at Rome may be deemed excessive, and especially counterproductive, not doing that food, exacerbate, the Ethiopian occupation fascist revolt. For this reason, when the extermination of the community of Dabra Libanos, the Viceroy, on the one hand, is silent in Rome the actual size of the executions and, secondly, strives to provide assurances about the guilt of the condemned, without any reference to pilgrims , teachers, visitors to the simple, well disposed, whose involvement in the attack was in fact impossible to prove.
The fears are not unfounded, the viceroy. In a few months will be dismissed and recalled from Ethiopia.
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