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Born to a family of 11, in Boloso Sore Woreda of Wolyita Zone, southern regional state, Hailemariam has passed through a path that is a lot similar to his deputy, Demeke.
Both had served as deputy chiefs of their respective regions formed after the installation of a new political architecture in mid-1990s. Prior to his ascendancy to the presidency of the southern regional state, Hailemaraim had served as vice president for two years, beginning 2000. Alongside his position as head of the bureau of capacity building in the Amhara Regional State, Demeke spent three years serving as vice president, starting in 2005.
Their similarity even goes further to their respective background. Like Hailemariam, Demeke came from a farming family originally from Wollo, who had moved to Chagni of Agew-Awi Zone in Amhara Regional State. Both had joined the Addis Abeba University at about the same time; while Hailemariam chose civil engineering and studied at Amest Kilo campus; Demeke did Biology in the Arat Kilo campus. Both graduated in 1988, a year when the tide had turned against the military government in its fight against the rebels.
After graduation, both returned to their native regions to begin their careers in teaching. Hailemariam was assigned at the Arbaminich Water Technology Institute, a few kilometers from a place of his birth, teach civil engineering. Demeke was sent to a high school in Feres Bet, a small town located in Dega Damot Wereda of West Gojam Zone, off the main road from Addis Abeba to Bahir Dar. He had taught biology in Feres Bet High School, for two years, before he was transferred to Bure town, of the same zone.
It was in Bure, which housed the lone high school in the area named after former governor of the region, Ras Bitweded Mengesha Atikim, Demeke met Alemitu Kassaye, a student of the high school at that time, and later on a mother of his three children. Hailemariam too is a father of three, from Roman Tesfaye, an economist who works for the Africa Union (AU). They first met while both were college students, and taught in the same Institute where he was a dean.
Hailemariam and Demeke have joined the ruling EPRDF at about the same time in the early 1990s, after the then rebel-cum-rulers arrived in their respective areas.
Hailemaraim’ s ascendency to power was fast. He became deputy chairman of the Southern Ethiopian People’ s Democratic Movement (SEPDM), the youngest in the coalition of the EPRDF, formed in December 1992. He had served for two years under Kassu Illala (PhD), before assuming the role of chairmanship in 2003.
So was true with fast ascendancy through the rank and file of to Demeke.
He first took part in the national election held in 1995, and won a seat in the Amhara Regional Council, where he was appointed as general secretary. In the middle of his term, he went to England to do his post graduate studies in conflict management. Upon his return, he was assigned to establish and lead the ethics and anti-corruption commission of the region.
Demeke hardly stayed in this position. He was moved to head the administrative and security affairs bureau of the region, where he had served up until 2005. He was then promoted to the vice presidency of the regional state following the highly contested election in 2005, under the presidency of Ayalew Gobeze. A year later, he was elected to the executive committee of ANDM, a member of the EPRDF coalition formed in 1983, in Jerba Yohannes of Wag Himra Zone. Finally, he was elevated to the position of deputy chair of the party replacing Tefera Walwa; and in 2010 became the first non-combatant chairman of the ANDM, replacing Addisu.
Since 2010, Hailemariam and Demeke have been serving in the same cabinet as foreign and education ministers, respectively.
“ There was a plan to ensure that the new leaders of the party would not come from those active during the armed struggle,” said Bereket.
That was to be the case three years down the road, when the incumbent completed its mandate in 2015. Nonetheless, the unexpected death of former Prime Minister Meles has changed the power dynamics within and outside of the ruling party.
Bereket had told the media during a press conference called on August 21, 2012, to announce the death of Meles, the Deputy Prime Minister would assume responsibilities of the Prime Minister after Parliament sworn him in during the subsequent days.
“ Absolutely,” Bereket had reaffirmed in a response to a question whether the Deputy Prime Minister would stay in the new position up until the next election, in 2015.
“ The ruling party has not made any changes,” said Bereket during this press conference. “ We go according to our plan.”
Nonetheless, the subsequent weeks proved to have developments divergent from this course. First, the extraordinary session Parliament called, which was in recess until the beginning of October, was cancelled due to a reason that “ members of Parliament requested sufficient time for their constituencies to express their grief and sorrow” on the loss of Meles.
When the extended 14-day national mourning came to end on September 4, many had expected Parliament to resume the pending business of installing Hailemariam to the position of Prime Minister. There had emerged members within the EPRDF, a party that enjoys a political hegemony of 99.6pc seats in Parliament, who insisted the party to follow customary procedures taking the appointment to the legislative body.
“ It was a move not helpful for the political process,” a former TPLF leader and a retired high ranking military officer, observed. “ The apprehension it created was not simple.”
The uncertainty and edginess hovered in the country due to dragged on succession process was hardly addressed when members of the EPRDF’ s Executive Committee decided to call for the party’ s council to elect the chairman and his deputy. Gathered in the Prime Minister’ s Office, it was the first meeting chaired by anyone other than Meles. Hailemariam chairing this meeting, there were notable absence such as Azeb Mesfin, Meles’ s widow, and Addisu.
On a quiet contrast, Alemayehu Atomsa, president of the Oromia Regional State, and chairman of OPDO, had re-emerged after a long absence from public view, due to illness. The return of Aster Mamo to the executive committee of the OPDO was also unexpected. Aster was the only woman elected for the executive committee of EPRDF in a congress held in Awassa, in 2008, but dropped from the list at the next congress held in Adama.
The Executive Committee meeting called after the burial of Meles underplayed the election of the chairman and its deputy as matters of less significance. Ironic to political pundits, the Party dedicated few lines to the issues in the statement it had released subsequent to the conclusion of the meeting.
“ Assigning of a leader is nothing other than appointing a comrade to sacrifice more for a common goal,” the statement reads.
The Council, the second highest body of the party next to the congress, was mandated to elect the two top most positions of the Front. Equally drawn from each of the four national parties, 180 would vote in a secret ballot to elect their leaders.
“ Prior experience of EPRDF’ s elections for leadership showed that members of the council vote as individuals rather than as bloc or national party,” said an observer of the party.
However, intense lobbying waged to garner enough support from members ahead of the election appears to be a norm in order to avoid surprises.
“ My worst nightmare would have been if votes counted would have swapped the place of those elected to the chair and the deputy,” said one council member.
Hailemariam called his appointment of chairmanship position as "a call for sacrifice.”
For some, the election of Demeke was less expected than Hailemariam's ascendance, which has been widely speculated since last week of August.
"I've to admit EPRDF surprised me today," Natnail Feleke, a young economist, posted on his Facebook page immediately after the elections were announced. "Especially with the assignment of its deputy chair, for what I want to believe is good move."
EPRDFites understood the risk of trying to come up with another candidate for the top position, according to a senior member of the EPRDF.
"Doing so would have been very divisive," he said.
Now that Hailemariam is elected as a chairman, his place as Prime Minister of the EPRDF administration is obvious, according to Bereket. His confirmation by members of Parliament, which will resume business in the first week of October, is a matter of procedure, he said.
Once installed as Prime Minister, Hailemariam will have to reshuffle his cabinet in order to fill vacant portfolios such as ministries of foreign affairs and education, offices he and Demeke have held since 2010.
With Hailemariam’ s apparent need for hands-on experience in the top most position, political pundits see the coming back of collective leadership practiced by the ruling party, a reminder of Meles’ s rule during the first 10 years.
“ Sure, we’ ll be there to help him whenever he asks for it,” Bereket told Fortune. “ But he will be a Prime Minister with all the discretion to fully exercise the executive power under the Constitution.”
But if there is a discretionary power Hailemariam may exercise, little will come in a way of substance. The council has issued a statement on Saturday night, reaffirming its stand to preserve the system and ensure continuity of policies authored by Meles as well as keeping his legacy.
Another comment on Facebook came from Tessema Belay, who described Hailemariam "a soft-mouthed" person.
"I rarely think of him to embody remote chances of change," he posted on his status update.
Those who are keen to see major change are in for a disappointment.
The Council has vowed to fight inflation, promote export earnings, encourage import substitution, and employ a conservative allocation of foreign exchange. These were indeed macroeconomic challenges confronted Meles to his last breath..
This message expresses the views and opinions of the author and not necessarily
those of CyberEthiopia, its staff or its affiliates. If you think this message
is inappropriate or violates our rules and regulations , please notify the Administrators by clicking on the report button below.
Born to a family of 11, in Boloso Sore Woreda of Wolyita Zone, southern regional state, Hailemariam has passed through a path that is a lot similar to his deputy, Demeke.
Both had served as deputy chiefs of their respective regions formed after the installation of a new political architecture in mid-1990s. Prior to his ascendancy to the presidency of the southern regional state, Hailemaraim had served as vice president for two years, beginning 2000. Alongside his position as head of the bureau of capacity building in the Amhara Regional State, Demeke spent three years serving as vice president, starting in 2005.
Their similarity even goes further to their respective background. Like Hailemariam, Demeke came from a farming family originally from Wollo, who had moved to Chagni of Agew-Awi Zone in Amhara Regional State. Both had joined the Addis Abeba University at about the same time; while Hailemariam chose civil engineering and studied at Amest Kilo campus; Demeke did Biology in the Arat Kilo campus. Both graduated in 1988, a year when the tide had turned against the military government in its fight against the rebels.
After graduation, both returned to their native regions to begin their careers in teaching. Hailemariam was assigned at the Arbaminich Water Technology Institute, a few kilometers from a place of his birth, teach civil engineering. Demeke was sent to a high school in Feres Bet, a small town located in Dega Damot Wereda of West Gojam Zone, off the main road from Addis Abeba to Bahir Dar. He had taught biology in Feres Bet High School, for two years, before he was transferred to Bure town, of the same zone.
It was in Bure, which housed the lone high school in the area named after former governor of the region, Ras Bitweded Mengesha Atikim, Demeke met Alemitu Kassaye, a student of the high school at that time, and later on a mother of his three children. Hailemariam too is a father of three, from Roman Tesfaye, an economist who works for the Africa Union (AU). They first met while both were college students, and taught in the same Institute where he was a dean.
Hailemariam and Demeke have joined the ruling EPRDF at about the same time in the early 1990s, after the then rebel-cum-rulers arrived in their respective areas.
Hailemaraim’ s ascendency to power was fast. He became deputy chairman of the Southern Ethiopian People’ s Democratic Movement (SEPDM), the youngest in the coalition of the EPRDF, formed in December 1992. He had served for two years under Kassu Illala (PhD), before assuming the role of chairmanship in 2003.
So was true with fast ascendancy through the rank and file of to Demeke.
He first took part in the national election held in 1995, and won a seat in the Amhara Regional Council, where he was appointed as general secretary. In the middle of his term, he went to England to do his post graduate studies in conflict management. Upon his return, he was assigned to establish and lead the ethics and anti-corruption commission of the region.
Demeke hardly stayed in this position. He was moved to head the administrative and security affairs bureau of the region, where he had served up until 2005. He was then promoted to the vice presidency of the regional state following the highly contested election in 2005, under the presidency of Ayalew Gobeze. A year later, he was elected to the executive committee of ANDM, a member of the EPRDF coalition formed in 1983, in Jerba Yohannes of Wag Himra Zone. Finally, he was elevated to the position of deputy chair of the party replacing Tefera Walwa; and in 2010 became the first non-combatant chairman of the ANDM, replacing Addisu.
Since 2010, Hailemariam and Demeke have been serving in the same cabinet as foreign and education ministers, respectively.
“ There was a plan to ensure that the new leaders of the party would not come from those active during the armed struggle,” said Bereket.
That was to be the case three years down the road, when the incumbent completed its mandate in 2015. Nonetheless, the unexpected death of former Prime Minister Meles has changed the power dynamics within and outside of the ruling party.
Bereket had told the media during a press conference called on August 21, 2012, to announce the death of Meles, the Deputy Prime Minister would assume responsibilities of the Prime Minister after Parliament sworn him in during the subsequent days.
“ Absolutely,” Bereket had reaffirmed in a response to a question whether the Deputy Prime Minister would stay in the new position up until the next election, in 2015.
“ The ruling party has not made any changes,” said Bereket during this press conference. “ We go according to our plan.”
Nonetheless, the subsequent weeks proved to have developments divergent from this course. First, the extraordinary session Parliament called, which was in recess until the beginning of October, was cancelled due to a reason that “ members of Parliament requested sufficient time for their constituencies to express their grief and sorrow” on the loss of Meles.
When the extended 14-day national mourning came to end on September 4, many had expected Parliament to resume the pending business of installing Hailemariam to the position of Prime Minister. There had emerged members within the EPRDF, a party that enjoys a political hegemony of 99.6pc seats in Parliament, who insisted the party to follow customary procedures taking the appointment to the legislative body.
“ It was a move not helpful for the political process,” a former TPLF leader and a retired high ranking military officer, observed. “ The apprehension it created was not simple.”
The uncertainty and edginess hovered in the country due to dragged on succession process was hardly addressed when members of the EPRDF’ s Executive Committee decided to call for the party’ s council to elect the chairman and his deputy. Gathered in the Prime Minister’ s Office, it was the first meeting chaired by anyone other than Meles. Hailemariam chairing this meeting, there were notable absence such as Azeb Mesfin, Meles’ s widow, and Addisu.
On a quiet contrast, Alemayehu Atomsa, president of the Oromia Regional State, and chairman of OPDO, had re-emerged after a long absence from public view, due to illness. The return of Aster Mamo to the executive committee of the OPDO was also unexpected. Aster was the only woman elected for the executive committee of EPRDF in a congress held in Awassa, in 2008, but dropped from the list at the next congress held in Adama.
The Executive Committee meeting called after the burial of Meles underplayed the election of the chairman and its deputy as matters of less significance. Ironic to political pundits, the Party dedicated few lines to the issues in the statement it had released subsequent to the conclusion of the meeting.
“ Assigning of a leader is nothing other than appointing a comrade to sacrifice more for a common goal,” the statement reads.
The Council, the second highest body of the party next to the congress, was mandated to elect the two top most positions of the Front. Equally drawn from each of the four national parties, 180 would vote in a secret ballot to elect their leaders.
“ Prior experience of EPRDF’ s elections for leadership showed that members of the council vote as individuals rather than as bloc or national party,” said an observer of the party.
However, intense lobbying waged to garner enough support from members ahead of the election appears to be a norm in order to avoid surprises.
“ My worst nightmare would have been if votes counted would have swapped the place of those elected to the chair and the deputy,” said one council member.
Hailemariam called his appointment of chairmanship position as "a call for sacrifice.”
For some, the election of Demeke was less expected than Hailemariam's ascendance, which has been widely speculated since last week of August.
"I've to admit EPRDF surprised me today," Natnail Feleke, a young economist, posted on his Facebook page immediately after the elections were announced. "Especially with the assignment of its deputy chair, for what I want to believe is good move."
EPRDFites understood the risk of trying to come up with another candidate for the top position, according to a senior member of the EPRDF.
"Doing so would have been very divisive," he said.
Now that Hailemariam is elected as a chairman, his place as Prime Minister of the EPRDF administration is obvious, according to Bereket. His confirmation by members of Parliament, which will resume business in the first week of October, is a matter of procedure, he said.
Once installed as Prime Minister, Hailemariam will have to reshuffle his cabinet in order to fill vacant portfolios such as ministries of foreign affairs and education, offices he and Demeke have held since 2010.
With Hailemariam’ s apparent need for hands-on experience in the top most position, political pundits see the coming back of collective leadership practiced by the ruling party, a reminder of Meles’ s rule during the first 10 years.
“ Sure, we’ ll be there to help him whenever he asks for it,” Bereket told Fortune. “ But he will be a Prime Minister with all the discretion to fully exercise the executive power under the Constitution.”
But if there is a discretionary power Hailemariam may exercise, little will come in a way of substance. The council has issued a statement on Saturday night, reaffirming its stand to preserve the system and ensure continuity of policies authored by Meles as well as keeping his legacy.
Another comment on Facebook came from Tessema Belay, who described Hailemariam "a soft-mouthed" person.
"I rarely think of him to embody remote chances of change," he posted on his status update.
Those who are keen to see major change are in for a disappointment.
The Council has vowed to fight inflation, promote export earnings, encourage import substitution, and employ a conservative allocation of foreign exchange. These were indeed macroeconomic challenges confronted Meles to his last breath..
በዚህ መረጃ መሰረት ደመቀ አማራ ሳይሆን አገው መሆኑን ነው የተረዳሁት !!!አማራና አገዉን አታምታቱት እባካቺሁ !!
አገው ከትግሬ ጋር ወግኖ አማራን ያስመታ የዉስጥ አርበኛ ነበረ ...ብዙ ያልወጣ ታሪክ አለው !! ደመቀም በስራ መደቡም ሆነ በአኢወማ የኢህ አዴግ ሰላይ ሆኖ ዉስጥ ዉስጡን ሲያገለግል ሊቆይ ይችላል !! ሀይሌም ቢሆን በደርግ ዘመን የወያኔ ጆሮ ጠቢ ሊሆን ይችላል !! ያላንዳች የጀርባ ታሪክ እና ስውር ታሪካዊ ግንኙነት እንዲህ አይነት ፈጣን እድገት አግኝተው ወደ ከፍተኛው ስልጣን አይሸጋገሩም ::
እናም ያው ግም ለግም አብረህ አዝግም ነው ነገር !! _________________ All kinds of winds may push us around;but in the end we go where we row.
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those of CyberEthiopia, its staff or its affiliates. If you think this message
is inappropriate or violates our rules and regulations , please notify the Administrators by clicking on the report button below.
This message expresses the views and opinions of the author and not necessarily
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It is an occupational hazard that anyone who has spent his life learning how to lie, eventually becomes bad at telling the truth.”
Ally Carter,
Tedla... don't give up, Ally's idea doesn't work with us HAbeshas....
if you want us to believe your lies, repeat them several times in different ways as you did it on Lidetu...
Do you know that there are people who still believe your old lies that Lidetu is still living in sheraton, driving a one million birr chrysller bla bla .... you succeeded then, you will now as well. Simply lie relentlessly ... and you will make it!!!!
This message expresses the views and opinions of the author and not necessarily
those of CyberEthiopia, its staff or its affiliates. If you think this message
is inappropriate or violates our rules and regulations , please notify the Administrators by clicking on the report button below.
This message expresses the views and opinions of the author and not necessarily
those of CyberEthiopia, its staff or its affiliates. If you think this message
is inappropriate or violates our rules and regulations , please notify the Administrators by clicking on the report button below.
This message expresses the views and opinions of the author and not necessarily
those of CyberEthiopia, its staff or its affiliates. If you think this message
is inappropriate or violates our rules and regulations , please notify the Administrators by clicking on the report button below.
This message expresses the views and opinions of the author and not necessarily
those of CyberEthiopia, its staff or its affiliates. If you think this message
is inappropriate or violates our rules and regulations , please notify the Administrators by clicking on the report button below.
This message expresses the views and opinions of the author and not necessarily
those of CyberEthiopia, its staff or its affiliates. If you think this message
is inappropriate or violates our rules and regulations , please notify the Administrators by clicking on the report button below.
This message expresses the views and opinions of the author and not necessarily
those of CyberEthiopia, its staff or its affiliates. If you think this message
is inappropriate or violates our rules and regulations , please notify the Administrators by clicking on the report button below.
This message expresses the views and opinions of the author and not necessarily
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is inappropriate or violates our rules and regulations , please notify the Administrators by clicking on the report button below.
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_________________ When we do it right No-one remembers,
When we do it wrong No-one forgets.
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