Posted: Fri Jan 29, 2010 9:44 pm Post subject: ኋላቀር ህዝብ - ኋላቀር ፖሊትክስ ??
Code:
Ethiopians tend to view the life game as zero-sum, non-shared sum and yielding at best a limited payoff. This view results in a set of survival strategies based on self protection, deception and revenge aimed at maintaining the status quo or advancing oneself at the expense of others. Perceived opportunities for initiative and cooperation in service to the community are limited. Personal efficacy is perceived as present in interpersonal exchanges, but not in exchanges with the impersonal environment.
From David Korten (1971) The life game: Survival strategies in Ethiopian Folktales.
In 1971 David Korten analysed behavior patterns in Ethiopian folktales to identify rules governing payoffs in the game of everyday living as perceived in the traditional Ethiopian culture. His result was astonishing which explained the mindset of the young students as shaped by the society, and the rule of game in the society at large. I think, these findings may be still valid in explaining the rule of game in today’ s social system, particularly in our politics.
I summarized only the basic findings and explanations. Partially, I paraphrased his sentences to avoid some irrelevant points to our topic and make it as short and more focused as possible.
Give it some time; I’ m sure you will find it tobe an extraordinary work.
For the purpose of the analysis Korten used two collections of Ethiopian folktales published in Amharic by the Ethiopian Ministery of Education for use as school readers. Additional sample of stories were used from secondary and junior secondary teachers who had their students write out traditional stories as class room exercises. Only traditional folk stories either gathered from students or from sources clearly directed at students were used for this analysis. The sample consisted of 129 Ethiopian stories most of which assumed to come from the Amhara-Tigre peoples who dominated the political life of Ethiopia. (Therefore, the conclusion drawn from this analysis are probably more pertinent to these two relativelly closely related groups.)
The Result
Code:
The Story character were found relatively more often engaged in acquisition, aggression, rejection, retention, and succorance behavior. They were relatively less often engaged in achievement, activity, cognizance, affiliation, recognition, construction, order and autonomy behaviors.
The emphasis in these stories on acquisition by taking from another, concern for stolen property, greater incidence of retention and lack of construction is indicative of zero-sum life game. There was almost a total absence of thema dealing with the creation of new wealth in the Ethiopian stories – attention being given only to its redistribution among the players.
The non-shared-sum characteristics of the Ethiopian life game was evident in the mutual suspicion, the relatively hazardous nature of affiliation and nurturance behaviors, and the repeated demonstration that even close friends cannot be trusted. The lesson was stressed that one’ s only certain allies are one’ s own wits and brawn.
The relatively low overall ratio of rewards to punishments in the Ethiopian stories reflects a very meager payoff. The Ethiopian environment was relatively very unforgiving.
The Rules of the Game
1. Losses are minimized through continual alertness and suspicion
While laziness was seldom punished, intention was. Even sleeping, relaxing, and eating could be dangerous if enjoyed to the extent that one was not alert to the possible deceptions or aggressions of another. Either accepting or extending hospitability or friendship could be dangerous. Betrayal by a friend was a constant possibility.
While such dangers were continually present those who remained alert and took action to avoid harm could generally avoid difficulties.
2. Gains are maximized through use of clever interpersonal deceptions
A clever trick or deception was the most frequently successful strategy for acquisition, escaping from harm, or from the veiled intentions of others, for recovering stolen property, and for avoiding blame for one’ s own anti-social acts. The successful deception was usually dependent on winning another character’ s confidence or sympathy through an act of friendship assistance, hospitability, or request for assistance. This established a momentary interpersonal commitment which distracted the other party into ‘ dropping his guard.’
3. Revenge is high payoff strategy, important to retaining respect
Aggression is both frequent and successful in the stories especially as an act revenge. Most of the aggression thema involved an after-the-fact response to an actual or assumed wrong and reflected no implication of intended material restitution or immediate self-protection, indicating that revenge was the primary motive. These thema had the most consistently favorable outcomes of any identifiable category in the stories, suggesting that revenge was an expected and valued behavior. Apart from providing a satisfying emotional relase, revenge could be perceived as a useful strategy in a zero-sum game for recapturing lost self-respect and putting others on notice that one can’ t be taken advantage of with impunity. Successful revenge in a sense restores the previous balance between two parties.
Elsewhere, experts in the field classified characters in stories as either main character or anti-social characters. The anti-social character was basically one who engaged in non-shared-sum, zero-sum behavior strategies. By this standard nearly all of the characters in the Ethiopian stories would have been classed as anti-social.
In the Ethiopian stories a more useful classification system distinguished between the foolish, the clever, and the wise. The fool was the character who allowed himself to fall victim to the plays of the clever. The wise man was usually an older man whose wisdom allowed him to avoid the trickster, but who didn’ t attempt to advance himself at the expense of others. While a less frequent character in the stories, the wise man appears to represent the ultimate standard of value in the society.
That the imagery of the Ethiopian stories is generally consistent with actual social behavior in Ethiopia is well supported by a wide variety of studies documenting the prevalence of interpersonal suspicion, trickery and deception, revenge and limited instances of cooperative behavior.
Last edited by ሓየት11 on Sun Jan 31, 2010 10:37 pm; edited 1 time in total
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This message expresses the views and opinions of the author and not necessarily
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This message expresses the views and opinions of the author and not necessarily
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Posted: Tue Jun 22, 2010 1:04 am Post subject: Re: ኋላቀር ህዝብ - ኋላቀር ፖሊትክስ ??
We have a serious crisis of communication. Many of us talk past each other and lack intellectual honesty and candor in our communications. We pretend to agree and give lip service to each other only to turn around and engage in vile backbiting. We speak to each other and the general public in ambiguities and “ tongues” . Often we do not say what we mean or mean what we say. We keep each other guessing. We do not listen to each other well, and make precious little effort to genuinely seek common ground with those who do not agree with us. We have a nasty habit of marginalizing those who disagree with us and tell it like it is. We hate to admit error and apologize. Instead we compound mistakes by committing more errors. We tend to be overly critical of each other over non-essentials. As a result, we have failed to nurture coherent and dynamic intellectual discourse about Ethiopia’ s present and future.
Ethiopians tend to view the life game as zero-sum, non-shared sum and yielding at best a limited payoff. This view results in a set of survival strategies based on self protection, deception and revenge aimed at maintaining the status quo or advancing oneself at the expense of others. Perceived opportunities for initiative and cooperation in service to the community are limited. Personal efficacy is perceived as present in interpersonal exchanges, but not in exchanges with the impersonal environment.
From David Korten (1971) The life game: Survival strategies in Ethiopian Folktales.
In 1971 David Korten analysed behavior patterns in Ethiopian folktales to identify rules governing payoffs in the game of everyday living as perceived in the traditional Ethiopian culture. His result was astonishing which explained the mindset of the young students as shaped by the society, and the rule of game in the society at large. I think, these findings may be still valid in explaining the rule of game in today’ s social system, particularly in our politics.
I summarized only the basic findings and explanations. Partially, I paraphrased his sentences to avoid some irrelevant points to our topic and make it as short and more focused as possible.
Give it some time; I’ m sure you will find it tobe an extraordinary work.
For the purpose of the analysis Korten used two collections of Ethiopian folktales published in Amharic by the Ethiopian Ministery of Education for use as school readers. Additional sample of stories were used from secondary and junior secondary teachers who had their students write out traditional stories as class room exercises. Only traditional folk stories either gathered from students or from sources clearly directed at students were used for this analysis. The sample consisted of 129 Ethiopian stories most of which assumed to come from the Amhara-Tigre peoples who dominated the political life of Ethiopia. (Therefore, the conclusion drawn from this analysis are probably more pertinent to these two relativelly closely related groups.)
The Result
Code:
The Story character were found relatively more often engaged in acquisition, aggression, rejection, retention, and succorance behavior. They were relatively less often engaged in achievement, activity, cognizance, affiliation, recognition, construction, order and autonomy behaviors.
The emphasis in these stories on acquisition by taking from another, concern for stolen property, greater incidence of retention and lack of construction is indicative of zero-sum life game. There was almost a total absence of thema dealing with the creation of new wealth in the Ethiopian stories – attention being given only to its redistribution among the players.
The non-shared-sum characteristics of the Ethiopian life game was evident in the mutual suspicion, the relatively hazardous nature of affiliation and nurturance behaviors, and the repeated demonstration that even close friends cannot be trusted. The lesson was stressed that one’ s only certain allies are one’ s own wits and brawn.
The relatively low overall ratio of rewards to punishments in the Ethiopian stories reflects a very meager payoff. The Ethiopian environment was relatively very unforgiving.
The Rules of the Game
1.Losses are minimized through continual alertness and suspicion
While laziness was seldom punished, intention was. Even sleeping, relaxing, and eating could be dangerous if enjoyed to the extent that one was not alert to the possible deceptions or aggressions of another. Either accepting or extending hospitability or friendship could be dangerous. Betrayal by a friend was a constant possibility.
While such dangers were continually present those who remained alert and took action to avoid harm could generally avoid difficulties.
2.Gains are maximized through use of clever interpersonal deceptions
A clever trick or deception was the most frequently successful strategy for acquisition, escaping from harm, or from the veiled intentions of others, for recovering stolen property, and for avoiding blame for one’ s own anti-social acts. The successful deception was usually dependent on winning another character’ s confidence or sympathy through an act of friendship assistance, hospitability, or request for assistance. This established a momentary interpersonal commitment which distracted the other party into ‘ dropping his guard.’
3.Revenge is high payoff strategy, important to retaining respect
Aggression is both frequent and successful in the stories especially as an act revenge. Most of the aggression thema involved an after-the-fact response to an actual or assumed wrong and reflected no implication of intended material restitution or immediate self-protection, indicating that revenge was the primary motive. These thema had the most consistently favorable outcomes of any identifiable category in the stories, suggesting that revenge was an expected and valued behavior. Apart from providing a satisfying emotional relase, revenge could be perceived as a useful strategy in a zero-sum game for recapturing lost self-respect and putting others on notice that one can’ t be taken advantage of with impunity. Successful revenge in a sense restores the previous balance between two parties.
Elsewhere, experts in the field classified characters in stories as either main character or anti-social characters. The anti-social character was basically one who engaged in non-shared-sum, zero-sum behavior strategies. By this standard nearly all of the characters in the Ethiopian stories would have been classed as anti-social.
In the Ethiopian stories a more useful classification system distinguished between the foolish, the clever, and the wise. The fool was the character who allowed himself to fall victim to the plays of the clever. The wise man was usually an older man whose wisdom allowed him to avoid the trickster, but who didn’ t attempt to advance himself at the expense of others. While a less frequent character in the stories, the wise man appears to represent the ultimate standard of value in the society.
That the imagery of the Ethiopian stories is generally consistent with actual social behavior in Ethiopia is well supported by a wide variety of studies documenting the prevalence of interpersonal suspicion, trickery and deception, revenge and limited instances of cooperative behavior.
This message expresses the views and opinions of the author and not necessarily
those of CyberEthiopia, its staff or its affiliates. If you think this message
is inappropriate or violates our rules and regulations , please notify the Administrators by clicking on the report button below.
1. Personality disorders are pervasive chronic psychological disorders, which can greatly affect a person's life. Having a personality disorder can negatively affect one's work, one's family, and one's social life. Personality disorders exists on a continuum so they can be mild to more severe in terms of how pervasive and to what extent a person exhibits the features of a particular personality disorder. While most people can live pretty normal lives with mild personality disorders (or more simply, personality traits), during times of increased stress or external pressures (work, family, a new relationship, etc.), the symptoms of the personality disorder will gain strength and begin to seriously interfere with their emotional and psychological functioning.
Those with a personality disorder possess several distinct psychological features including disturbances in self-image; ability to have successful interpersonal relationships; appropriateness of range of emotion, ways of perceiving themselves, others, and the world; and difficulty possessing proper impulse control. These disturbances come together to create a pervasive pattern of behavior and inner experience that is quite different from the norms of the individual's culture and that often tend to be expressed in behaviors that appear more dramatic than what society considers usual. Therefore, those with a personality disorder often experience conflicts with other people and vice-versa.
Ethiopians tend to view the life game as zero-sum, non-shared sum and yielding at best a limited payoff. This view results in a set of survival strategies based on self protection, deception and revenge aimed at maintaining the status quo or advancing oneself at the expense of others. Perceived opportunities for initiative and cooperation in service to the community are limited. Personal efficacy is perceived as present in interpersonal exchanges, but not in exchanges with the impersonal environment.
From David Korten (1971) The life game: Survival strategies in Ethiopian Folktales.
In 1971 David Korten analysed behavior patterns in Ethiopian folktales to identify rules governing payoffs in the game of everyday living as perceived in the traditional Ethiopian culture. His result was astonishing which explained the mindset of the young students as shaped by the society, and the rule of game in the society at large. I think, these findings may be still valid in explaining the rule of game in today’ s social system, particularly in our politics.
I summarized only the basic findings and explanations. Partially, I paraphrased his sentences to avoid some irrelevant points to our topic and make it as short and more focused as possible.
Give it some time; I’ m sure you will find it tobe an extraordinary work.
For the purpose of the analysis Korten used two collections of Ethiopian folktales published in Amharic by the Ethiopian Ministery of Education for use as school readers. Additional sample of stories were used from secondary and junior secondary teachers who had their students write out traditional stories as class room exercises. Only traditional folk stories either gathered from students or from sources clearly directed at students were used for this analysis. The sample consisted of 129 Ethiopian stories most of which assumed to come from the Amhara-Tigre peoples who dominated the political life of Ethiopia. (Therefore, the conclusion drawn from this analysis are probably more pertinent to these two relativelly closely related groups.)
The Result
Code:
The Story character were found relatively more often engaged in acquisition, aggression, rejection, retention, and succorance behavior. They were relatively less often engaged in achievement, activity, cognizance, affiliation, recognition, construction, order and autonomy behaviors.
The emphasis in these stories on acquisition by taking from another, concern for stolen property, greater incidence of retention and lack of construction is indicative of zero-sum life game. There was almost a total absence of thema dealing with the creation of new wealth in the Ethiopian stories – attention being given only to its redistribution among the players.
The non-shared-sum characteristics of the Ethiopian life game was evident in the mutual suspicion, the relatively hazardous nature of affiliation and nurturance behaviors, and the repeated demonstration that even close friends cannot be trusted. The lesson was stressed that one’ s only certain allies are one’ s own wits and brawn.
The relatively low overall ratio of rewards to punishments in the Ethiopian stories reflects a very meager payoff. The Ethiopian environment was relatively very unforgiving.
The Rules of the Game
1. Losses are minimized through continual alertness and suspicion
While laziness was seldom punished, intention was. Even sleeping, relaxing, and eating could be dangerous if enjoyed to the extent that one was not alert to the possible deceptions or aggressions of another. Either accepting or extending hospitability or friendship could be dangerous. Betrayal by a friend was a constant possibility.
While such dangers were continually present those who remained alert and took action to avoid harm could generally avoid difficulties.
2. Gains are maximized through use of clever interpersonal deceptions
A clever trick or deception was the most frequently successful strategy for acquisition, escaping from harm, or from the veiled intentions of others, for recovering stolen property, and for avoiding blame for one’ s own anti-social acts. The successful deception was usually dependent on winning another character’ s confidence or sympathy through an act of friendship assistance, hospitability, or request for assistance. This established a momentary interpersonal commitment which distracted the other party into ‘ dropping his guard.’
3. Revenge is high payoff strategy, important to retaining respect
Aggression is both frequent and successful in the stories especially as an act revenge. Most of the aggression thema involved an after-the-fact response to an actual or assumed wrong and reflected no implication of intended material restitution or immediate self-protection, indicating that revenge was the primary motive. These thema had the most consistently favorable outcomes of any identifiable category in the stories, suggesting that revenge was an expected and valued behavior. Apart from providing a satisfying emotional relase, revenge could be perceived as a useful strategy in a zero-sum game for recapturing lost self-respect and putting others on notice that one can’ t be taken advantage of with impunity. Successful revenge in a sense restores the previous balance between two parties.
Elsewhere, experts in the field classified characters in stories as either main character or anti-social characters. The anti-social character was basically one who engaged in non-shared-sum, zero-sum behavior strategies. By this standard nearly all of the characters in the Ethiopian stories would have been classed as anti-social.
In the Ethiopian stories a more useful classification system distinguished between the foolish, the clever, and the wise. The fool was the character who allowed himself to fall victim to the plays of the clever. The wise man was usually an older man whose wisdom allowed him to avoid the trickster, but who didn’ t attempt to advance himself at the expense of others. While a less frequent character in the stories, the wise man appears to represent the ultimate standard of value in the society.
That the imagery of the Ethiopian stories is generally consistent with actual social behavior in Ethiopia is well supported by a wide variety of studies documenting the prevalence of interpersonal suspicion, trickery and deception, revenge and limited instances of cooperative behavior.
>>>>>>////<<<<<<<///>>>>>>>>>>///<<<<<<<<<
_________________ Peace has to be created, in order to be maintained. It is the product of Faith, Strength, Energy, Will, Sympathy, Justice, Imagination, and the triumph of principle. It will never be achieved by passivity and quietism.
Dorothy Thompson:
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those of CyberEthiopia, its staff or its affiliates. If you think this message
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1. Personality disorders are pervasive chronic psychological disorders, which can greatly affect a person's life. Having a personality disorder can negatively affect one's work, one's family, and one's social life. Personality disorders exists on a continuum so they can be mild to more severe in terms of how pervasive and to what extent a person exhibits the features of a particular personality disorder. While most people can live pretty normal lives with mild personality disorders (or more simply, personality traits), during times of increased stress or external pressures (work, family, a new relationship, etc.), the symptoms of the personality disorder will gain strength and begin to seriously interfere with their emotional and psychological functioning.
Those with a personality disorder possess several distinct psychological features including disturbances in self-image; ability to have successful interpersonal relationships; appropriateness of range of emotion, ways of perceiving themselves, others, and the world; and difficulty possessing proper impulse control. These disturbances come together to create a pervasive pattern of behavior and inner experience that is quite different from the norms of the individual's culture and that often tend to be expressed in behaviors that appear more dramatic than what society considers usual. Therefore, those with a personality disorder often experience conflicts with other people and vice-versa.
This message expresses the views and opinions of the author and not necessarily
those of CyberEthiopia, its staff or its affiliates. If you think this message
is inappropriate or violates our rules and regulations , please notify the Administrators by clicking on the report button below.
This message expresses the views and opinions of the author and not necessarily
those of CyberEthiopia, its staff or its affiliates. If you think this message
is inappropriate or violates our rules and regulations , please notify the Administrators by clicking on the report button below.
Ethiopians tend to view the life game as zero-sum, non-shared sum and yielding at best a limited payoff. This view results in a set of survival strategies based on self protection, deception and revenge aimed at maintaining the status quo or advancing oneself at the expense of others. Perceived opportunities for initiative and cooperation in service to the community are limited. Personal efficacy is perceived as present in interpersonal exchanges, but not in exchanges with the impersonal environment.
From David Korten (1971) The life game: Survival strategies in Ethiopian Folktales.
In 1971 David Korten analysed behavior patterns in Ethiopian folktales to identify rules governing payoffs in the game of everyday living as perceived in the traditional Ethiopian culture. His result was astonishing which explained the mindset of the young students as shaped by the society, and the rule of game in the society at large. I think, these findings may be still valid in explaining the rule of game in today’ s social system, particularly in our politics.
I summarized only the basic findings and explanations. Partially, I paraphrased his sentences to avoid some irrelevant points to our topic and make it as short and more focused as possible.
Give it some time; I’ m sure you will find it tobe an extraordinary work.
For the purpose of the analysis Korten used two collections of Ethiopian folktales published in Amharic by the Ethiopian Ministery of Education for use as school readers. Additional sample of stories were used from secondary and junior secondary teachers who had their students write out traditional stories as class room exercises. Only traditional folk stories either gathered from students or from sources clearly directed at students were used for this analysis. The sample consisted of 129 Ethiopian stories most of which assumed to come from the Amhara-Tigre peoples who dominated the political life of Ethiopia. (Therefore, the conclusion drawn from this analysis are probably more pertinent to these two relativelly closely related groups.)
The Result
Code:
The Story character were found relatively more often engaged in acquisition, aggression, rejection, retention, and succorance behavior. They were relatively less often engaged in achievement, activity, cognizance, affiliation, recognition, construction, order and autonomy behaviors.
The emphasis in these stories on acquisition by taking from another, concern for stolen property, greater incidence of retention and lack of construction is indicative of zero-sum life game. There was almost a total absence of thema dealing with the creation of new wealth in the Ethiopian stories – attention being given only to its redistribution among the players.
The non-shared-sum characteristics of the Ethiopian life game was evident in the mutual suspicion, the relatively hazardous nature of affiliation and nurturance behaviors, and the repeated demonstration that even close friends cannot be trusted. The lesson was stressed that one’ s only certain allies are one’ s own wits and brawn.
The relatively low overall ratio of rewards to punishments in the Ethiopian stories reflects a very meager payoff. The Ethiopian environment was relatively very unforgiving.
The Rules of the Game
1.Losses are minimized through continual alertness and suspicion
While laziness was seldom punished, intention was. Even sleeping, relaxing, and eating could be dangerous if enjoyed to the extent that one was not alert to the possible deceptions or aggressions of another. Either accepting or extending hospitability or friendship could be dangerous. Betrayal by a friend was a constant possibility.
While such dangers were continually present those who remained alert and took action to avoid harm could generally avoid difficulties.
2.Gains are maximized through use of clever interpersonal deceptions
A clever trick or deception was the most frequently successful strategy for acquisition, escaping from harm, or from the veiled intentions of others, for recovering stolen property, and for avoiding blame for one’ s own anti-social acts. The successful deception was usually dependent on winning another character’ s confidence or sympathy through an act of friendship assistance, hospitability, or request for assistance. This established a momentary interpersonal commitment which distracted the other party into ‘ dropping his guard.’
3.Revenge is high payoff strategy, important to retaining respect
Aggression is both frequent and successful in the stories especially as an act revenge. Most of the aggression thema involved an after-the-fact response to an actual or assumed wrong and reflected no implication of intended material restitution or immediate self-protection, indicating that revenge was the primary motive. These thema had the most consistently favorable outcomes of any identifiable category in the stories, suggesting that revenge was an expected and valued behavior. Apart from providing a satisfying emotional relase, revenge could be perceived as a useful strategy in a zero-sum game for recapturing lost self-respect and putting others on notice that one can’ t be taken advantage of with impunity. Successful revenge in a sense restores the previous balance between two parties.
Elsewhere, experts in the field classified characters in stories as either main character or anti-social characters. The anti-social character was basically one who engaged in non-shared-sum, zero-sum behavior strategies. By this standard nearly all of the characters in the Ethiopian stories would have been classed as anti-social.
In the Ethiopian stories a more useful classification system distinguished between the foolish, the clever, and the wise. The fool was the character who allowed himself to fall victim to the plays of the clever. The wise man was usually an older man whose wisdom allowed him to avoid the trickster, but who didn’ t attempt to advance himself at the expense of others. While a less frequent character in the stories, the wise man appears to represent the ultimate standard of value in the society.
That the imagery of the Ethiopian stories is generally consistent with actual social behavior in Ethiopia is well supported by a wide variety of studies documenting the prevalence of interpersonal suspicion, trickery and deception, revenge and limited instances of cooperative behavior.
This message expresses the views and opinions of the author and not necessarily
those of CyberEthiopia, its staff or its affiliates. If you think this message
is inappropriate or violates our rules and regulations , please notify the Administrators by clicking on the report button below.
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